These types of various other abilities would-be due to get across-linguistic variations in the properties of your BSL and you will ASL lexicons

These types of various other abilities would-be due to get across-linguistic variations in the properties of your BSL and you will ASL lexicons

Relationship among lexical and you will phonological qualities

Next we examined relationships among the lexical and phonological properties of the signs in ASL-LEX to gain insight into how phonological, lexical, and semantic factors interact in the ASL lexicon. s = –0.14, p < 0.001. Although it is possible that this inverse correlation is driven by the relatively higher frequency of closed-class words which may be lower in iconicity than other signs, the negative correlation remains when closed-class words (i.e., words with a “minor” Lexical Class) are excluded (r s = –0.17, p < 0.001). This result is compatible with the early proposal that with frequent use, signs may move away from their iconic origins, perhaps due to linguistic pressures to become more integrated into the phonological system (Frishberg, 1975). Interestingly, the direction of this relationship was the opposite of that found for British Sign Language; that is, Vinson et al. (2008) reported a weak positive correlation between frequency and iconicity: r = .146, p < .05. Alternatively, the different correlations might be due differences in stimuli selection. Vinson et al. (2008) intentionally selected stimuli that had a range of iconicity values which resulted in a bimodal iconicity distribution while we did not select signs for inclusion in ASL-LEX based on their iconicity.

Volume and you can iconicity z-score (SignFrequency(Z) and you can Iconicity(Z)) was somewhat negatively coordinated collectively (select Desk 1), with repeated signs rated due to the fact reduced legendary; although not, this matchmaking are weak, r

Enough phonological qualities is actually extremely coordinated and also in of numerous cases for the reason that the way they try defined (look for Table step 1). Including, for each and every big venue is constructed of no less than one slight metropolises-high-frequency slight // towns and cities tend to hence almost usually be found inside the higher volume significant metropolitan areas, and handshape volume is actually likewise regarding selected hand and you can flexion volume. Additionally, all of the about three measures of Neighborhood Occurrence is very coordinated having you to various other partially as they are likewise discussed and you may partly since the one neighbors one to express five of your own four sub-lexical characteristics (Maximal Society Occurrence) tend to fundamentally also express certainly five sandwich-lexical functions (Restricted People Density). Eventually, the three Community Density procedures is correlated with each of one’s sub-lexical volume methods. This is going to make sense since the from the definition, preferred sub-lexical attributes can be found in of numerous signs.

Interestingly, the basic sub-lexical frequencies are completely uncorrelated with each other, with the exception of selected fingers and minor location which are significantly but weakly correlated (r = .10, p < .01). This finding suggests that the space of possible ASL signs is rather large as each sub-lexical property can (to a first degree of approximation) vary independently of the others. This property contrasts with spoken languages where phoneme frequency is correlated across different syllable positions. For example, using position-specific uniphone frequencies from Vitevitch and Luce (2004) we estimate that in English monosyllabic words, vowel frequency is negatively correlated with the frequency of the preceding consonant (r = –.07, p < .001) and positively correlated with the following consonant (r = .17, p < .001), and that onset consonants have highly correlated frequencies (r = –.51, p < .001). We speculate that the relative independence of ASL sub-lexical features is related to both the motoric independence of the manual articulators (e.g., finger flexion is unaffected by the location of the hand in signing space) as well as the relative simultaneity of manual articulation (as opposed to serial oral articulation). We note that these non-significant correlations are for sub-lexical frequency only; specific sub-lexical properties have been argued to co-vary systematically (e.g., signs produced in locations far from the face may be more likely to be symmetrical, two-handed, and have larger, horizontal, and vertical motions; Siple, 1978).

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